Chapter 17: U.S.
Establishes Hegemony over the Capitalist World
The Lansky Kansas City flunkey, Harry Truman, assumed the Presidency with Roosevelt's
death in April, 1945. Truman had been run by Meyer Lansky virtually all his life via the Tom Pendergast gang
operation that controlled Kansas City; the way Big-eared Du controlled Shanghai.
In fact, when Truman was first elected as a US
Senator for Missouri,
his Senate colleagues referred to him as “the Senator from Pendergast.”
Truman quickly became a favorite of
the right wing of the Democratic Party, and with Lansky’s help replaced
progressive capitalist, and US
Vice-President, Henry A. Wallace (Iowa),
as the Vice-Presidential running mate of FDR in 1944. Upon ascending to the
Presidency, Truman did as his fascist bosses bid, and reversed FDR’s entire
foreign policy, within about two weeks (See D.F. Fleming on the speed of the
reversal in The Cold War and its Origins, 1917-1960, 1961,
Doubleday, Garden City, New York.)
Truman would see to making the destruction of the Soviet Union his number
one objective. What made this wild fantasy seem possible was the idea that the
Gringo Regime had a monopoly on the atomic bomb. - And, although the US
was only able to make about one bomb a month by 1947, the US
ruling families thought that would do the job. (Stalin knew the US A-bomb
production rate; the Japanese did not and had been fooled by Truman’s bragging
after the atomic bombing of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki,
about having many more A-bombs to drop on Japan
when in fact he had no more A-bombs to drop at all. As a matter of continuing
interest, the USA
and USSR
atom bomb production rate had increased to about one per month on both sides by
1949, with the possible superiority of the USSR
in this rate.)
Henry Wallace tried to stop the fascistization of the
US Democratic Party and the war-drive of the Truman Administration as
Presidential candidate of the Progressive
Party in 1948. (Idaho Democratic
Senator Glen Taylor was Wallace’s running mate)
Wallace and Taylor failed, but their candidacy which united New Dealers
with Communists (the CPUSA was
instrumental in creating this Progressive Party) and Negro’s (as Africans were
then called; Wallace and Taylor campaigned against segregation in the Apartheid
South) did put the brakes on much of what Lansky, Truman, et. al. were trying to do – in many ways it was the Progressive Party
alliance of progressive and Left forces which necessitated the US ruling
families bringing out nutball Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy to terrorize the liberals in North America into silence. But
by the time this reign of terror against
the American people was fully extant the Soviet Union was out from under
the danger of a first US
atomic attack, as they had more than enough nuclear weaponry of their own.
To begin with, Stalin surprised the
new US
bosses in 1949 with the Soviet Atomic Bomb! Already Stalin had
created a buffer zone of Peoples Democracies in East
Europe (by 1948.)
Then, Red China became The Peoples Republic in the fall of 1949. Even if the gringos had enough
bombs they couldn’t get close enough to the industrial might of the USSR
to use them. By 1950, Stalin was
surrounded by friends! - And, he had his own bombs and the means to deliver them
(intercontinental rockets.)
US Picks Up the Nazi Gauntlet
Nevertheless, having picked up the
gauntlet dropped by the Nazi’s, the Gringo reactionaries thought they could
still get the upper hand because they had more bombs than the Communists. Korea
taught them that they were not going anywhere.
Stalin backed the Korean Communists
with the Soviet nuclear umbrella,
as he had earlier protected the Chinese Communists by distracting the US imperialists via Berlin, threatening Atomic War in Europe. {At that time
in 1949, Truman was threatening to
use A-bombs against Mao’s advancing armies}. This time, in 1950, British Prime Minister Clement
Atleebalked, when Truman said he was going to use five A-bombs on
the Korean Communist forces, Atlee saying “...if you do, you’re on your own!” (The
bomb itself had been a joint US-UK undertaking and the British had to be
consulted.) When I was in the US
intelligence service in Europe (1960-1961)
I became personally familiar with all of this history, as part of my work in Great
Britain, as
I have recounted in my book The
Buccaneer.
Stalin seemed to be prepared to trade A-bomb for
A-bomb in the event the Americans used theirs. The Chinese communists continued
unfazed and along the road of national liberation – the first task before they
could get on to national reconstruction.
We know now the Soviet Union’s production rate of
A-bombs had matched in 1949 the USA rate and probably
surpassed that of the USA
(See the Russian
Academy
of Sciences 1996 Report: American and
Soviet H-bomb development programmes: historical
background. [In Physics - Uspekhi 39 (10) 1022 – 1044 (1996)]
As a matter of interest today both the USA
and Russia
produce 4 new warheads per day.
The Chinese
Revolution Establishes the People’s Republic
Having dealt with the Japanese
imperialists the Chinese Communists turned their attention to the regime of the
fascist Chiang Kai-shek and his new
sponsors, the U.S, imperialists; the would-be puppet masters replacing the
Japanese. However, there are puppets and there are puppets.
The Green Gang,
of which Chiang was still just one member among the elite bosses of this Shanghai crime commission,
saw an opportunity to make even more money with the disappearance of their
major ally (Japan)
and leached themselves onto the US
imperialists. Now they really made some money.
Harry Truman
would later estimate that Chiang stole at least 22 billion dollars directly
from the US Government between 1945 and 1950. Far more than Chiang and the
Green Gang had ever made with the Japs. All they had to do was to put up some
kind of show for the Yanquis and the trough was open, and did they help
themselves! Remember this is when a billion dollars was a billion dollars. A
legitimate question could be who was the puppet – the comprador regime of
Chiang and the Green gang, or the USA?
Chiang bought California Republican U.S. Senator William Knowland (Senate majority
leader) for a hitherto unheard of exorbitant amount of cash. With their ‘bought
and paid for’ “China Lobby” in the US Senate the Green Gang soaked Ma and Pa Kettle
for all that cash, and much much more down the road. The dumb gringos lived up
to their reputation; rubes like my parents kept forking over the cash for
“‘never give a sucker an even break’ Chiang,” so that Big-eared Du, and his gangster pals
in Shanghai could score again, like never before.
From the standpoint of Bolshevism, Chiang was less and
less of a problem because he was so busy stealing from the stupid and
naïve Americans that he had less and less time to spend fighting
communism. Spending most of his spare time looting his own country and shipping
the loot and the cash to Taiwan, the Philippines, Switzerland and so forth,
Chiang was less and less of an obstacle to the liberation of the country. Thus,
as the peace negotiations with the Communists failed (Chiang had to keep a war
going to keep soaking the dumb gringos) the Peoples Liberation Army advanced
steadily, freeing province after province, until Chiang (and the Green Gang
including, of course, Du) finally had to give up the Golden Goose, and flee for
good, to safety behind Yanqui ships, establishing himself (and themselves) on Taiwan, where they proceeded to
establish the same type of fascism they had used to rule Shanghai and
the rest of China they could get their hands on.
As we have seen Mao had the weapons
of the Japanese that had been captured in 1945, and Stalin’s support, and could
mobilize the Chinese masses in the millions, so it had always been just a
matter of time until the Reds wrapped up the fascist forces in China
and established a broad national front government. They did so, in the form of
the People’s Republic of China,
in October, 1949.
In the Countryside
Now the challenge
for the Communists would really begin, because China was technologically
far more backward in 1949 than Russia
had been on the eve of the First World War in 1914. Mao and the Chinese Party
politburo understood, even given the great historical task they had just
accomplished, in terms of world socialism they were now right back where they
would have been in 1927 if things had gone their way then, instead of the way
they did go. In other words, the time had come when they would have to face the question of China’s
technological backwardness and what to do about it.
While the US
press went crazy inventing stories about the evils of Chinese communism,
because the US bosses now thought they understood, even though the communists
were moving in a broad national front way, in the end they would take China
along a road similar to that of the Soviet Union. However, the truth was far
different. China
was as far from socialism of the Soviet type as it was from communism.
Mao and his
associates had had decades now to think about Lenin’s initial analysis. They
were in agreement with it then, and continued to be throughout the Civil War,
and now in power it was their task to act on that initial assessment. For the
technological situation had not changed for the better, with the possible
exception of certain parts of China
having been further equipped with constant capital (Japanese industrial plants
exported to Manchuria and elsewhere to utilize cheap Chinese labor; the very
reason for Japan’s
invasion of China
to begin with.)
Now, the entire agricultural
population had to be freed from the Feudal-Fascist regimen it had been living
under (outside the Red liberated areas); a 3 stage process that would take them
until about 1958. Thus first, a massive agrarian reform was
undertaken to eliminate gentry-capitalist owned agriculture, followed quickly (secondly) by collectivization and then
finally (thirdly) a
super-collective; one we would come to know as the People’s Communes. Then, or simultaneously, China
would have to industrialize.
In the Cities
Starting from scratch the Chinese
communists would have no choice but to begin industrialization in the cities. They
knew to start with, that even when successful, 90% of the country would still
be in an agrarian setting, (unless the transformation of the countryside, which
was underway and much smoother than it had been in Russia, should help in not
only mechanizing the countryside, but in the freeing of hundreds of millions
for wage-labor in the country towns as well as the cities) and the resulting
situation would probably be unrealistically unbalanced. That is, full of
inherent antagonistic contradictions among the working population.
Trying to
spread industrialization throughout the country was a task that would take 30
years before it would successfully get underway. China’s
struggle to modernize would take up the remaining part of the 20th
century and was all along terribly complicated by attempts of its own New Class to go the route of the Soviet
Revisionist bosses. The latter taking control of the USSR,
in a slow and sneaking way, the minute Stalin died in 1953. Further complicated because the reality of New Class take over of the Soviet Union did not
become fully apparent until perhaps 1958
to 1960; at least to Mao and associates, who had no previous experience to
draw upon. Like the Russian Bolsheviks in 1921 they would have to improvise.
In the end, the Chinese Communist
Party would succeed in finding a new way to speed up industrialization. “New”
compared to what Stalin had had to do in the Soviet
Union, anyway. But only after experimenting with the
Great Leap Forward, and then the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, would
they find their way. This “new” way was
initially just the NEP of Soviet times but would be allowed by history time to
develop fully. A process which began under the leadership
of China’s
“Old Bolshevik” cadre led by Deng Xiaoping. These are other stories for
another time and book.
The process of completing the industrialization and
modernization of the Chinese nation would get underway once again under new CP
leadership in the post-1975 (and
Mao’s death) period and would be headed by Deng Xiaoping. This would amount to
a “return” to the NEP of the pre-1928
years in the USSR.
This time the strength of the socialist world camp would be sufficient to
offset the threat of imperialist intervention, giving time for a mixed economy
to develop and prosper.
Stalin Has the First H-Bomb!
As if to allow history a brief
respite, Stalin was told on New Year’s Day 1953 that he would soon have the
world’s first militarily useable hydrogen bomb. Stalin died that spring, but
the process he had set in motion to make the USSR
the nuclear and now thermonuclear, equal to the USA
came to fruition over these coming months. This is not widely known to North
Americans who get little more than a daily diet of propaganda, but the American
Hydrogen Bomb explosion, November 1, 1952, in the South Pacific was the size of skyscraper and
weighed 70 tons! On August 12, 1953, nine months later, the Soviet’s
triggered their first one, air-dropping the
first militarily deliverable H-bomb from an airplane 27 months after that! The
Yanks, already checkmated in Korea
and aware of Stalin’s H-bomb progress, gave up on the strategy for a
pre-emptive strike against Socialism.
Eisenhower officially withdrew the US
from the Korean War on June 8 1953,
only two months before the first Soviet successful H-bomb test, and a policy
of belligerent containment was adopted toward World Socialism. In the US,
with the pressure for containing the American people off, for the
moment, McCarthy was retired and a
more “traditional” form of thought control resumed prominence in US
political life.
The 1957
launching of the two Soviet space satellites (Sputnik I and II in October and November) confirmed what the
Pentagon thought it knew: the Soviets did have the rocket lifting and aiming
capability to launch hydrogen bombs against US targets without ever having to
launch a single bomber! I remember this so clearly as we in the Boise, Idaho,
Astronomy Club, gathered nightly to view the Soviet satellite from the offices
of one of our members father’s, who had installed a telescope, which he allowed
us to use, to witness the rapid, night-time, trans-skyline flight of the Sputnik.
While all this had been going
on in the international political and military arena the US
ruling families consolidated their mechanisms for economic hegemony via financial engineering of the
post-War global monetary system. For example:
“The United States came out of
the Second World War as the major and with the exception of Switzerland,
the only creditor nation. For the first time since the rise of capitalism, all
of the world’s trade relied on a single currency and was financed from a single
epicenter. Recognizing this remarkable opportunity to achieve unhindered
dominance (and to challenge the Soviet Union; a non-capitalist entity which, at
the time, the best western economists thought of as a miracle-in-the-making),
the United States
took upon itself the role of reconstructing the capitalist world. The grandiose
project soon acquired two strands.
First, American
policy makers were keen to end the dollar’s monopoly as the world’s single
convertible currency. This monopoly was undesirable because a world trade
system relying on a single currency (supported by a single real economy which
is only a subset of the global economy) is inherently unstable and prone to
major upheavals during the unsavory parts of the business cycle. Initially,
they toyed with the idea of propping up the pound sterling and using it as a
potential shock absorber for the dollar zone. However, with sterling’s collapse
in 1947, U.S.
officials gave up on the idea.
Instead they
favored, supported and cajoled the rise of two important supporting pillars for
the dollar: one in Europe (the deutschmark) and one in Japan
(the yen). The architects were three men: Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, Secretary of State James Byrnes and George Keenan. In their eyes, extending credit to Europe and Japan
was to become a crucial component of U.S. policy as it would enable these two
zones to buy technology and energy products, fundamentally oil, as well as to
attract and utilize (often) migrant labor.
The choice of Germany and Japan
seemed entirely logical. Both countries had been rendered dependable (thanks to
the overwhelming presence of the U.S. military), both
featured solid industrial bases (with ample human capital), and both offered
considerable geostrategic benefits in relation to the Soviet Union….
Secondly, the
creation of two non-dollar currency zones was to be underpinned by political
measures to ensure the parallel creation of free-trade areas within these zones
so as to carve out crucial vital space for real economies growing around the
new currencies.” (From, the Global Minotaur, by Joseph Halevi and Yanis
Varoufakis in Monthly Review, Vol. 55 No. 3, July-August 2003.)
Our Problems
Still, a central problem with which we are
concerned is the same one that existed when the first worker’s government
came into existence in 1917. That is, how long will it be necessary to
have this highly regimented, constantly prepared, forever alert, rapidly
building, military force in the hands of a working class dictatorship.
Because, there is no substitute for keeping state power in one’s hands, nor for
assuring the most rapid continuing industrial and scientific growth, regardless
of the political, social and economic sacrifices required to do so; and
consequences, once having done so.
Probably workers of the early 20th
century, from anywhere in Europe or North
America, had never had any choice but to go the
Stalinist Socialist route. I mean, specifically, even if workers of the US, UK,
Germany, France, Italy or Japan, had been able to seize political power, the
level of development of the productive forces in those countries was still far
from sufficiently advanced to provide the technological component of the
Socialist Mode of Production. That seems clear now. Certainly the capitalist
countries then had not advanced enough to create the economy that could produce
“from each according to her ability to each according to her needs.”
I suspect this was not understood in the early years
of the century by any of the sincere leaders.
We know none of the Bolsheviks prior to October, 1917, would have
subscribed to any view other than the one that said (to paraphrase) “...once
workers have state power in their hands and the evils of capitalism are part of
history, people will create a paradise on Earth in this country (whatever
country.)” At the most some of them (like the Russians) would have admitted
“...the necessity of linking up with the advanced capitalist countries for
technical assistance from workers in those countries, who like us, will have
seized political power, and be anxious to help.”
But, the lessons of the 19 teens and
the 19 twenties combined with the pre-October real life experiences of
Bolshevik leaders like Stalin (and many others who had gone to prison and
fought in the Civil War) prepared them to see the world in a less naive, more
sophisticated, indeed objective, way. When they did, the Bolshevik leaders
realized they had to create the
industrial infrastructure needed to support autochthonous Socialism:
“Socialism in one country.” They had
no choice.
Many of the Bolshevik bosses had
realized by 1924, perhaps
unconsciously, that even if they hadn’t had “no choice but to go it alone”, it
was going to take a lot longer than any of them had thought to change the ideologicalnature of people, suffering from a mental template of selfishness and sadism,
raised in poverty, scarcity and oppression for many millennia. Particularly as poverty and scarcity would continue as Worker’s
Governments poured money into industrialization and defense. No other
route than the one that Stalin (and indeed earlier, Trotsky) had proposed for
massive industrialization and agricultural collectivization, was available.
- And, when it is all said and done,
if Stalin had not done what he did within Russia,
the course of history would quite possibly have led all of us into World
Nazism. - And, from that the working people might never have recovered. We never
should forget that we are free agents; free to win and free to lose.
Our Lesson: The
Evil Imprinting of the Servitude Epoch
This by the way is the weak point
for almost all contemporary schismatic Marxist theoreticians. An exception
would be Herbert Aptheker in the USA,
who recognized the evil nature of the world as currently constructed and in the
last years of his life he said so to his Communist Party USA colleagues. The
autobiography of his daughter (Bettina)
tells us that Aptheker had his own culturally imposed demons which presumably
helped him come to this correct conclusion. That is, the failure of schismatic
Marxists, to recognize the at-bottom evil nature of contemporary mental
imprinting that affects ALL classes not just the oppressing classes.
People are not born with a blank
slate – at least not for long. Imprinting begins with birth and proceeds
rapidly apace so that by the time a child is a few years old it is well set in.
It is for this reason that attempts to
jump into the social organization of communism have
failed. That is, first or simultaneously, we need to have the fully accomplished
technological gains of the Capitalist Stage firmly in hand.
The founders were right, as usual. Modern
communism requires the fully modernized industrial base of the capitalist
stage. You either inherit it or you build it. There is no short cut. We know.
We have tried. We found out the hard way. It is not our intention to return to primitive
communism. From our theoretical standpoint we would be better off sticking with
capitalism which is far more advanced in sociocultural evolution, as you have
seen in this book. Until the time arrives when we have a fully developed
technological base for a communist society we will continue to see all sorts of
(historically) left over crimes and injustices in everyday social life. This is
not an excuse for what was done to Bettina Aptheker, because there can be no
excuse, but it is an explanation.
US Imperialism on
the Rampage
Meanwhile, the gringo capitalists
had established a kind of 20th century helotry over Europe.
A phrase used by MP Michael Foot to me in the British House of Commons over
dinner in June, 1961. (For the details of that conversation see the first
volume of my autobiography, The Buccaneer). They confronted communists
everywhere with extreme aggression; had no compunction about instituting fascism
in their own image throughout the world.
Running wild and virtually unopposed
by the other capitalist classes and countries, the Gringo imperialists’ wreaked
havoc throughout the 1950’s on the people of the world, especially in what they
considered their own “backyard” – Latin
America. – And, here they badly stumbled. Perhaps most
importantly in Guatemala
where E. Howard Hunt, (later of Bay of Pigs, and then Watergate, fame)
masterminded the overthrow of Guatemala’s
first democratically elected government on behalf of the United Fruit Company
(now Chiquita) and his own bosses at
the CIA, in 1954.
The Cuban
Revolution: New Years Day 1959
It was shortly thereafter that I
walked onto the stage of history. I have told that story in the context of a
history of the Cuban brothers Fidel
and Raul Castro, Che Guevara and the pantheon of Cuban
hero’s who learned from the “success” of US fascist intervention in Guatemala
and prevented the same thing from happening once again in Cuba. (See the first
volume of my autobiographical series “Idaho Smith’s” Search for the Foundation,
entitled The Buccaneer, 2003, Jason W. Smith, Writers Press, Boise,
330 pp. The series is available in University libraries across the US
and Canada,
or can be purchased directly from Foundation Press at). Suffice it to say for
our purposes that the Cuban Revolution put the brakes on US imperialism, once
and for all, “South of the Border,” and to a degree in Africa as well.
(Note the dialectical conundrum in practice
experienced by the US
imperialists: their “success” in Guatemala
insured their “failure” in Cuba
– which in turn led to their defeat over broad swathes of this planet and the
current wave of anti-Gringo regimes in Latin
America!)
Confronted with the success of the Cuban Revolution, the permanence of Socialism in China, and a Soviet Party leadership rejuvenated, if temporarily, the
richest US
oligarchs could not decide upon a common strategy for a “final solution.” – And,
the Soviet bosses would have to do what they had previously absolutely not
wanted to do, namely, stand-up to US
imperialism.
As we have seen in my autobiography
the US
ruling billionaire families would not finally resolve their attitude toward
Socialism, among themselves, until they played one last hand. That of the Indochina War. - And,
with the rather quick demise of that strategy in Vietnam,
Cambodia
and Laos,
it was all over for the camp that advocated a violent solution to the problem
of Bolshevism - at least for the moment.
The Vietnamese
Revolution
Ho Chi-minh had been an early member
of the Communist movement. Joining the Communist Party of France while in Paris
in 1920, as a founding member, and
then becoming closely associated with the Comintern, he had welded together a
Party and a fighting force that fought the Japanese and established their own
government in Hanoi with the end of World War II. Only, of course, to run into
French imperialism (supported financially and militarily by the US) that
reinvaded Vietnam in 1946 after a
successful landing of troops in Hanoi; the French imperialists fighting to win
back the colony they had had prior to their expulsion by the Japanese
imperialists in 1941. For the moment
they succeeded.
However, with the Chinese Communists
now butted up against their northern frontier, the Vietnamese communists were
able to obtain all the supplies and advisors they could use. The French were
defeated by the Vietnamese revolutionary army at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, expelled
from Indochina, and Ho re-established his revolutionary Government in Hanoi.
Big Power talks brokered the French exit and provided for free elections to
reunify the country.
The Americans knew Ho would win a
free election, so they prevented elections in 1956, after establishing their own puppet regime in Saigon; it
would take another twenty years to militarily defeat US
imperialism and liberate the entire nation. But the Vietnamese did so, with the
help of the entire Socialist Camp and the international communist and working
class movement, as we all know.
Consequences of
the Defeat of US Imperialism in Indochina
After the ignominious defeat of the
vaunted US
military forces under the fascist grouping in command of Washington
DC
by the communists, the not-so-fascist Rockefeller brothers resumed command of
the US Government and military, and sent their flunkeys Kissinger and Nixon to
make peace with the leader of the World Stalinist Socialist Stage, Mao Zedong, in 1972. The Vietnamese army put paid to the gringos unwilling to get
out, in April, 1975, and their silly
puppet government in Saigon!
The New World Order as envisioned by the Rockefeller
led US
oligarchy featured a retreat from the policy of total war against Bolshevism,
and an acceptance of what was now reality. Bolshevism on a world basis was here
to stay – Socialism as a distinct system was one which the capitalists of the
West, under the hegemony of the US
bosses, recognized as irreversible.
For the Americans, without a
revolutionary Party with a strong base in organized labor and the working class
movement, a retreat from the advances in political consciousness that had
occurred during the massive US Anti-War movement (always under the leadership
of one or another of the Left parties in the USA – CPUSA, PLP, SWP, etc.)
was inevitable. The Anti-War movement had been fueled by the youth of the
nation revolting against forced conscription (the draft) to fight the
imperialist war. With the war gone the cannon-fodder was gone too. The revolutionary
tide in North America
ebbed as the Rockefellers knew it would, and the American people were reduced
once again to decades of exploitation by their own ruling class.
However, after 1975, with the pressure off, Socialism in China
was able to advance into its Second Stage. The Chinese Communist Party led China
into an Advanced Socialist Stage featuring the devotion of its resources to
industrialization and the modernization of every aspect of the Chinese economy,
in an NEP (Soviet Union 1921-1928)
fashion
Meanwhile, although the Soviet leaders still mouthed
socialist ideas, they set about doing the opposite. Their ultimate, if
temporary, success in 1989-1991, in this regard was simply the end of long program of de
facto capitalist restoration that began with the death of Stalin in 1953
and really got underway after 1975.
Other than the liberation of Vietnam
and much of Indochina
these were the three major consequences of the Great Anti-Imperialist War of
the Vietnamese, Laotian and Cambodian Communist Parties. That is to say,
revolutionary stagnation in the USA, tremendous advances in Socialist
construction in China, the final, if temporary, defeat of Bolshevism in the
Soviet Union by the modern revisionists of post-Stalin CPSU variety (e.g. Khrushchev et al.)
We shall return below to a
discussion of the current Second Socialist Stage and what comes next. For now
let us recap the position of the class struggle for Socialism on a global
context in terms of the phase periodization of the Stalinist Socialist Stage.